Text and photo: Rawassei Abd Al Jalil, journalist
Prison is a society in itself, resembling any other community with its own rules, hierarchy, and relationships. However, the major difference is that one’s presence in prison is not by choice, and its rules are far more stringent.
When discussing women’s prisons, the issue is slightly different, as the social norms governing female inmates can be even stricter than the prison’s own regulations. In this report, we will examine the situation of female inmates in Libya, legally and socially, both during their time in prison and after their release.
Prisons in Libya: Punishment Without Rehabilitation
Libyan law mandates that prisons should be “places of reform and education, aimed at correcting the behavior of those sentenced to criminal penalties and preparing them to be productive members of society.” However, the reality is far from this ideal, particularly with the lack of security and challenges in enforcing the laws regulating Libyan prisons.
According to a 2018 report by the United Nations Human Rights Commission, Libya has 26 officially controlled prisons under the jurisdiction of the Ministries of Justice, Defense, and Interior. These are spread across Libya, although the U.S. Institute of Peace recommended closing most of them due to their failure to meet international prison standards. Only three women’s prisons exist in Libya, located in the southern and western regions, while conditions in the eastern part remain poorly documented.
The report highlights that many other prisons, not under official control, are scattered across the country and operated by armed groups, often outside government oversight. These prisons, especially those that hold women, are among the most dangerous, as there is little accountability for the behavior of these groups, leading to frequent rights violations. Arrests and detentions in these facilities often violate legal standards, as noted in the U.S. Institute of Peace’s 2016 report on Libya.
Unfortunately, there are no accurate statistics on the number and distribution of these female detainees, nor data on their conditions before, during, or after incarceration. This lack of information made preparing this report particularly challenging.
When Social Stigma is Harsher than Prison
Wafaa is a Libyan woman, married for five years with a young child, and a former elementary school Arabic teacher. She was incarcerated in 2015 on criminal charges, which she denies, and her case remains unresolved at the time of this report.
Wafaa shared the circumstances surrounding her arrest: “I was taken to the city’s police station where I lived. My brothers and father beat and insulted me before even asking for an explanation, and before the investigating officer arrived. To them, I was guilty beyond doubt, as well as to everyone involved in my case—perhaps because I am a woman and was seen as a disgrace to my family. I was initially held for a week under harsh mental and physical conditions during questioning.”
She continued, “Afterward, I was transferred to Jdeida Prison. From the first day, my family and siblings cut ties with me, as if I were no longer one of them. Even my infant son, less than eight months old, was taken from me.”
What Happens After Prison?
Life post-prison is no less challenging than life inside, particularly for women who face stigmatization, isolation, and opposition. In Libya, very few civil society organizations focus on prisoner rehabilitation and reintegration, with Sabiel Foundation being one of the most active and consistent among them.
The Executive Director of Sabiel Foundation, Mawadda Kashad, shared insights on their work: “We have been documenting violations in women’s prisons since 2012, and referring these violations to the relevant authorities. We started promoting the Mandela Rules and Libyan laws to prison staff, as most of the violations stemmed from lack of awareness of these regulations.”
She added, “Since 2012, Sabiel has visited Jdeida Prison ten times, with rehabilitation programs starting in 2018. The most recent initiative involved therapeutic art sessions, which were highly appreciated by the inmates.”
Kashad concluded by noting the positive impact: “We’ve come a long way in promoting legal and human rights awareness. Violations have significantly decreased, and reports from prison staff confirm that issues with inmates have lessened since the training programs began.”
Conclusion
Despite facing numerous obstacles in preparing this report—such as the absence of statistics and limited interest in women’s incarceration issues—we hope this sheds light on the urgent need for better attention to the conditions of female inmates in Libya, both during their imprisonment and after release
