Lana Kazkaz, journalist
Following the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime in December 2024, reports began to emerge of disappearances and abductions of women and girls belonging to the Alawite community in various regions of Syria, particularly along the Mediterranean coast and in parts of Homs, Hama, and Suwayda.
These reports raised deep concern among local and international human rights organizations due to testimonies pointing to possible cases of sexual violence, extortion, ransom demands, forced marriages, and other forms of gender-based violence. Various sources also suggested that some victims may have been targeted not only because they were women, but also because they belonged to a religious minority historically associated with the former regime (OHCHR, 2025; Amnesty International, 2025).
Although there is a marked divergence between the allegations presented by human rights organizations and the official account provided by the Syrian authorities regarding the scale and nature of these incidents, the phenomenon reveals a deeper problem that extends beyond individual abductions. It reflects the intersection of gender-based violence, sectarian polarization, and social dynamics related to honor and stigma. In contexts of political transition and conflict, women’s bodies often become symbolic spaces through which power struggles, collective identities, and mechanisms of social control are expressed.
This article is based on reports from international organizations, human rights groups, and media outlets published through mid-2026. It also acknowledges the existing limitations in independently verifying all reported cases and the differences among available sources.
The Post-2024 Context: Sectarian Violence and Political Transformation
The months following the collapse of the regime were marked by significant political and security instability. Tensions between armed groups linked to the new authorities and sectors loyal to the former government led to episodes of violence, particularly in regions historically identified with the Alawite community.
Within this context, human rights organizations, independent journalists, and family members began documenting reports concerning the disappearance of Alawite women and girls. United Nations experts expressed concern over what appeared to be a pattern of disappearances and abductions targeting women and girls belonging to this minority and urged Syrian authorities to conduct impartial and transparent investigations (OHCHR, 2025).
Amnesty International also documented multiple cases of Alawite women and girls who disappeared or were allegedly abducted between February and July 2025, emphasizing the need to ensure accountability and protection for victims (Amnesty International, 2025). At the same time, independent journalistic investigations collected testimonies from families reporting ransom demands, possible transfers of victims outside Syria, and disappearances whose outcomes remain unknown (Michael, 2025; Mroue, 2025).
For their part, Syrian authorities maintained that most reported cases were the result of family disputes, voluntary departures, or inaccurate information circulated through social media, arguing that official investigations had found no evidence of a systematic campaign targeting Alawite women (Mroue, 2025).
Nevertheless, the growing sense of insecurity among affected communities remains a significant factor in understanding the social and political impact of these allegations.
Intersectional Violence: When Gender and Sectarian Identity Converge
To better understand this phenomenon, it is useful to draw on the concept of intersectionality developed by Kimberlé Crenshaw (1989). According to this perspective, different forms of discrimination do not operate independently but overlap and reinforce one another.
In the case of Alawite women, potential vulnerability stems not solely from their status as women nor exclusively from their membership in a religious minority, but from the interaction of both identities within a context of conflict, political polarization, and sectarian tension.
From this perspective, reports of abductions and assaults can be interpreted as manifestations of intersectional violence that combines elements of gender discrimination with dynamics of exclusion and communal stigmatization. This approach helps explain how political conflicts can reproduce pre-existing social inequalities and render particular groups of women especially vulnerable (Crenshaw, 1989).
Sexual Violence as a Weapon in Conflict
Academic literature on armed conflict has demonstrated that sexual violence is not always an isolated individual act. In numerous contexts, it has been used as a tool of collective intimidation, social control, and destruction of the social fabric (Wood, 2009).
In this sense, allegations involving sexual assault, threats of forced marriage, or gender-based violence acquire a dimension that extends beyond individual harm. When women are targeted because of their membership in a particular group, violence may take on a symbolic meaning directed against the entire community.
In societies where notions of family honor continue to play an important role, attacks against women can generate effects that extend beyond direct victims, affecting entire families and reinforcing dynamics of fear, control, and social exclusion.
From Abduction to Stigma: Violence That Continues After the Assault
The experience of victims does not necessarily end with release or the conclusion of captivity. In many cases, survivors of sexual violence face a second form of victimization related to social rejection and stigmatization.
Various studies conducted in Syria have shown that fear of stigma constitutes one of the principal obstacles to reporting sexual assaults. Many survivors fear being blamed, rejected by their families, or marginalized within their communities (Syrian Justice and Accountability Centre, 2017).
Social pressure can generate profound consequences, including isolation, deterioration of family relationships, difficulties in accessing marriage opportunities, or even risks of domestic violence. Thus, the harm derives not only from the original violent act but also from the social responses surrounding it.
For this reason, Syrian feminist organizations have described this situation as a form of “double violence”: the violence perpetrated by the aggressor and the violence resulting from the stigma that survivors subsequently face (Syrian Feminist Lobby, 2026).
International Comparisons: From Bosnia to Yazidi Women
Current allegations do not constitute an isolated phenomenon in the contemporary history of armed conflicts. Numerous studies have documented the use of abductions, rape, and forced marriages as mechanisms of control and terror directed against specific populations (Wood, 2009).
One of the best-known examples is the Bosnian War during the 1990s, where sexual violence was systematically used against women belonging to communities considered enemies. More recently, thousands of Yazidi women were abducted and subjected to sexual slavery by the self-proclaimed Islamic State following the offensive launched in Iraq in 2014.
Although the historical, political, and religious circumstances differ significantly from the current Syrian situation, these cases illustrate how women’s bodies can become sites where projects of domination, exclusion, and collective violence are enacted.
The comparison is not intended to equate these contexts automatically but rather to provide analytical tools for understanding similar mechanisms of vulnerability and violence.
Challenges of Documentation and Verification
Determining the exact scale of these events remains a complex task. Persistent insecurity, fear of reprisals, and the absence of reliable reporting mechanisms hinder the collection of verifiable information.
For this reason, available figures must be interpreted with caution. While human rights organizations and independent journalists maintain that they have documented dozens of cases, authorities continue to challenge claims regarding the existence of an organized campaign of abductions (Amnesty International, 2025; Mroue, 2025).
This divergence highlights the need for independent and transparent investigations capable of rigorously establishing the facts and contributing to the effective protection of victims.
Supporting Survivors: From Humanitarian Response to Justice
Addressing this issue requires coordinated action at multiple levels. First, it is essential to strengthen protection mechanisms for women and girls at risk, including safe reporting channels, personnel specialized in gender-based violence, and effective guarantees for witnesses and family members.
Survivors also require access to psychological support, social assistance, and legal accompaniment that takes existing cultural and community sensitivities into account.
Finally, any future transitional justice process in Syria must incorporate specific mechanisms to investigate crimes of sexual and gender-based violence, ensuring that perpetrators are held accountable regardless of their political or military affiliation (OHCHR, 2025).
Conclusion
The situation of Alawite women in post-2024 Syria highlights the complex interaction between gender-based violence, sectarian polarization, and political instability. Beyond disputes regarding the precise scale of the reported incidents, the available information reflects the specific vulnerability faced by women in contexts of conflict and transition.
Ensuring accountability for gender-based human rights violations is an essential component of any process of national reconciliation and sustainable peacebuilding (OHCHR, 2025; Amnesty International, 2025).
The protection of women is not merely a humanitarian issue; it is also a fundamental indicator of a society’s capacity to build justice, institutional trust, and democratic coexistence after violence.
References:
• Amnesty International. (2025). Syria: Authorities Must Investigate Abductions of Alawite Women and Girls.
• Crenshaw, K. (1989). Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex. University of Chicago Legal Forum.
• Michael, M. (2025). She’s Not Coming Back: Alawite Women Snatched from Streets of Syria. Reuters.
• Mroue, B. (2025). A Year After Assad’s Fall in Syria, Alawite Women Face Kidnappings and Rape. Associated Press.
• Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR). (2025). Syria: UN Experts Alarmed by Targeted Abductions and Disappearances of Alawite Women and Girls.
• Syrian Feminist Lobby. (2026). The Abduction of Syrian Women: A War on Dignity.
• Syrian Justice and Accountability Centre (SJAC). (2017). Societal Attitudes toward Sexual and Gender-Based Violence in Syria.
• Wood, E. J. (2009). Armed Groups and Sexual Violence: When Is Wartime Rape Rare? Politics & Society.
