Nariman El Chamaa, Journalist and activist. President of Donia for Sustainable Development (NGO)
Despite more than a decade having passed since Lebanon adopted the Law on the Protection of Women and Other Family Members from Domestic Violence, women in the country continue to face multiple forms of violations that extend far beyond the private sphere of the home. Violence has evolved into complex patterns that infiltrate workplaces, politics, education, and economic life. It is no longer confined to visible physical abuse but is deeply embedded in structural discrimination within laws and practices. Confronting this phenomenon has become a long-term battle, one that requires not only legislative reform but also a profound cultural shift.
At the legislative level, the Lebanese Parliament passed Law 293 in 2014, a landmark text intended to criminalize domestic violence and grant women the right to protection orders. In 2020, amendments expanded its scope to include economic and psychological violence. Yet implementation remains weak. Women often encounter obstacles in police stations and courts, where violence is still treated as a “family matter” rather than a crime. This gap between law and practice is mirrored in other areas of legislation. The sexual harassment law, adopted in 2020, was hailed as progress but remains narrow in its definition of sexual violence and fails to provide adequate mechanisms for protection in workplaces. Legal experts have repeatedly stressed the need to amend this law to ensure comprehensive safeguards and effective remedies.
Workplace violence and discrimination represent another dimension of the crisis. Lebanese women face systemic barriers in promotions and leadership positions, and wage inequality remains stark. Reports indicate that women earn on average 22% less than men in the private sector (World Bank Gender Data Portal). Arbitrary dismissal based on gender is not uncommon, while harassment and psychological pressure in unsafe work environments continue to undermine women’s dignity. The labor law itself excludes large segments of the workforce, particularly those in agriculture and domestic labor—sectors where women are heavily represented. This exclusion leaves thousands of women without basic protections. Against this backdrop, Lebanon’s failure to ratify International Labour Organization Convention No. 190 (2019), which addresses violence and harassment in the world of work, is striking. Ratification would provide an internationally recognized framework to protect both female and male workers, yet political will remains absent.
Discrimination is also entrenched in Lebanon’s social security system, which restricts women’s access to certain benefits compared to men. This reflects a traditional view of women as dependents rather than independent contributors to the economy. The nationality law compounds this injustice: children of Lebanese mothers married to foreign men are denied citizenship, a policy widely condemned as discriminatory and unjust (Heinrich-Böll Stiftung). This denial places women in a position of incomplete citizenship and directly affects the lives of their families, perpetuating cycles of insecurity and marginalization.
Early marriage remains one of the most dangerous forms of violence against girls. Lebanon lacks a unified civil law establishing a minimum age for marriage, leaving the matter to religious courts that permit child marriage at varying ages. A national study revealed that 20% of Lebanese were married before the age of 18, with 87% of those being girls. Alarmingly, 10% of girls were married between the ages of 13 and 15, with the highest rates recorded in Baalbek-Hermel and the lowest in Beirut (Girls Not Brides – Lebanon). These figures underscore the gravity of the problem. Early marriage exposes girls to severe health risks, psychological trauma, and social exclusion, while stripping them of their right to education and participation in public life.
But violence is not confined to the family or workplace. Women activists and candidates face political and media violence through smear campaigns and threats, as documented in a 2023 report by Maharat Foundation (Maharat Foundation Report). Digital violence—including online harassment and blackmail—has surged with the spread of social media, targeting women journalists, activists, and ordinary users alike. Weak reproductive and sexual health services place women in vulnerable positions, particularly in rural areas. Meanwhile, women bear the brunt of Lebanon’s economic collapse and environmental crises, from job losses to climate-related challenges, yet remain underrepresented in decision-making processes. Refugee women, especially Syrians and Palestinians, face compounded forms of violence and discrimination, whether in camps or in informal labor markets, making their situation even more precarious.
Access to justice remains another critical challenge. Women often hesitate to file complaints due to the high cost of legal procedures, the slow pace of courts, and the stigma attached to reporting abuse. Educational institutions and universities also lack clear policies to protect female students from harassment and discrimination, leaving young women vulnerable in spaces that should empower them. The media, meanwhile, continues to reinforce stereotypical images of women—either as victims or as commercialized figures—perpetuating a culture that normalizes violence and inequality.
Civil society has stepped in to fill the void left by the state. Local organizations provide legal and psychological support to survivors, operate hotlines for reporting violence, and launch awareness campaigns aimed at challenging the prevailing culture that normalizes abuse. They also advocate for reform of discriminatory laws and create safe spaces for women and girls, seeking to rebuild trust between citizens and institutions. These efforts, though limited in resources, have become the backbone of protection and advocacy in Lebanon.
Yet the absence of a comprehensive national strategy remains glaring. Unlike the European Union, which has adopted the Gender Equality Strategy 2020–2025 and encourages member states to implement national action plans, Lebanon’s initiatives remain fragmented. The country has ratified CEDAW (Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women) but with reservations, and it has not signed the Council of Europe Istanbul Convention (2011), the most comprehensive international treaty on preventing and combating violence against women. This lack of alignment with international frameworks weakens Lebanon’s ability to protect women and undermines its credibility in global forums.
Violence against women in Lebanon is not a series of isolated incidents but a reflection of a deeply flawed social and legal structure. Reform must go beyond amending laws; it requires a transformation in societal attitudes, the adoption of preventive policies, and the guarantee of women’s participation in decision-making. The struggle against violence is ultimately a struggle for justice and full citizenship. It is a collective responsibility that cannot be left to women alone. It must become a national priority, aligned with Lebanon’s international commitments and the aspirations of a society striving for equality and human dignity.
